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kristof women in china


 

One day in late summer a thirty-year-old woman, slightly frail and innocent-looking, was sitting on a hillside near the grain fields of Liaohepo Village in Henan Province, Zuo Dechang, a young hoodlum who had been in and out of the local police station for various crimes, spotted her and cozied up to her. She wasn't much for conversation, for she was mentally retarded, but Zuo didn't mind. He brought her back to his village and tried to find a man who might buy her as a wife.

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"I have no money," an unmarried peasant told Zuo, as the two negotiated a deal. "But I have a small calf. What would you think if I gave you this calf in exchange for this woman you've brought to our village.

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Well, Zuo thought, I could sell the calf for a bit of money. "It's a deal," he told the farmer, and the woman changed hands.

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Her new husband gave her hardly anything to eat and little clothing to protect herself against the cold. A few months later, on a wintry day in 1990, she died.

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A woman for a calf.

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Something, I decided, was wrong with the picture of Communist equality that I had initially absorbed. When I first arrived in China, I was impressed that almost every woman I met had an occupation or a career. I did not notice any discrimination against women, and I met intelligent and capable women in academia, business, and journalism, as well as gutsy female vegetable merchants, engineering consultants, and toy makers. When we got to the Chinese border on Macao during my first trip into China in 1987, a crowd of ambitious, pushy cabdrivers crowded around Nick and me in pursuit of our fare. The most reasonable price was quoted to us by the most levelheaded of them all, a twenty-seven-year-old woman who owned her own taxi, and we chose her.

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I thought, This is equality! I felt better about China itself, for as a Chinese woman, I was troubled greatly by the traditional distaste and discrimination that women faced. It was fine to be proud of the Great Wall but not of a 4,000-year legacy of abandoning female babies, of binding girls' feet, of keeping girls illiterate. Until the turn of the century, many Chinese girls were not even given names: They were called working-age women In the cities hold jobs. These gains gave women some economic independence and self-confidence. Side by side with their husbands, they built huts and tilled the fields. Above all, the party oversaw a revolution in educational practices, mobilizing peasant girls to go to school. For the first time in Chinese history, large numbers of peasant women graduated from the status of donkeys; they became almost human beings and not just walking wombs.

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To be sure, even under Mao there was still a great deal of discrimination. But factories and offices were motivated to improve conditions by enthusiasm for change as well as fear of central leaders. And society was much more prudish then, so It was hardly possible to emphasize sexual differences. Cosmetics were effectively banned, and everyone wore the same blue or gray Mao jackets. Wolf whistles would have been unrevolutionary.

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So when I arrived in China, I was generally impressed by the status of women. And with the new opportunities generated by a market economy, I expected life for women to get even better.

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Then one day, I met Yang Yanru, a middle-aged peasant near Tianjin whose husband had become rich doing business. He asked her to stop working, and she was happy Just to stay at home tidying up the house. That nagged at me. I could understand that now that she was rich she had better things to do with her time than to slave away in a factory for measly pay. But the same thing was happening all over China, and It seemed funny to me that economic progress in China would mean more housewives and fewer career women. What ever happened to Mao's belief in equality?

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As I talked to more women and got better acquainted with their status, it became clear that the problems ran far deeper. The obstacle was not just the strength of traditional beliefs but the invisible hand of the market itself. The market economy raised living standards for women along with men, but it also led to the return of the male-dominated Chinese society - coupled with the sexist features of Western society. Advertisers quickly discovered that the best way to market their products was by airing commercials showing lovely young women, preferably wearing as little as possible. To promote sales of weapons abroad, the army began publishing a calendar with a pinup each month of a buxom young woman clutching a gun. In the 1994 calendar, for example, Miss February wears a bikini top and a red skirt slit to the waist, accompanied by an AK-47 assault rifle.

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Nicholas Kristof & Sheryl WuDunn "China Wakes" (1994)

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