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fountain Joe Jackson


 

Joe Jackson was a simple man, but hardly the ignorant rube portrayed in the sports-page caricatures of his day. He never played barefoot because he couldn't afford shoes, or because he was unused to shoes, having grown up without them as many newspaper fantasies had it through the years. He did once playa couple of innings of one game without shoes, because a new pair had left his feet blistered. This happened while playing in Greenville, South Carolina, either in city's Textile League or for the Greenville Spinners during his first year of organized ball in 1908. He took at least one at-bat in his stocking feet, either tripled or homered, depending upon the account being rendered, and when he arrived or passed, third base, a fan was alleged to have shouted: "You shoeless son of gun, you!" Carter "Scoop" Latimer of the Greenville News, himself then just teenage reporter, overheard (or invented) the shout, and Joe Jackson was forever after "Shoeless Joe." It was a nickname befitting humble rural roots and an uncomplicated personality.

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By that point in his young career, Jackson was already fashioning a baseball reputation deserving of a memorable nickname. Baseball had been his deliverance from an otherwise Dickensian boyhood. He was born in Brandon, a mill town just outside Greenville, in July 1889.'

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The oldest of eight children, he had not a day's schooling his entire life. By six, when he might have been in the first grade, he was sweeping floors in a mill in Brandon. By thirteen he was working twelve-hour days in the mill alongside his father. What daylight hours were not spent on the cotton-mill floor were spent on the ball field. He was a big kid; by sixteen he was six foot two and gangly, not yet anywhere near his major league weight of 185 pounds. Still, he already had those Pop eye forearms and hands the size of skillets, and, gangly teenager or not, he could hit a baseball half again as far as anybody else in town and throw it like it had been shot from a cannon.

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He was playing for the Brandon Mills baseball team by the time he was thirteen. There were thirteen mills ringing Greenville, and Saturday afternoon games in the Textile League would attract crowds of several hundred to a couple thousand or more, and the players became objects of great affection and celebrity in their local mill communities. And nobody was more celebrated than the marvelously gifted teenager from Brandon. "Joe's Saturday specials" -line drive home runs that were still rising when they sailed over the outfielders' heads-became the talk of Brandon, and every time he hit one, his younger brothers would scramble up into the stands to pass the hat so that the Brandon fans might show their gratitude. There were times the fans showed their gratitude to the tune of $lO or so, as much as a full week's wages at the mill. Such a phenomenon was Jackson that he was recruited away from Brandon Mills by the rival Victor Mills team, with the promise of a softer job in the mill and time off to practice.

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Greenville got its own team in organized baseball in 1908, and Jackson was one of the first players signed, to a contract paying him a princely $75 a month. Pros or semipros, it was all the same to Jackson; he had a great year, batting over .350 to lead the Carolina Association in hitting. On an off day in July he married his Greenville sweetheart, Katie Wynn-he was nineteen, she fifteen. And in August, he got the news that the Philadelphia Athletics had bought his contract. He was going to the big leagues, as soon as the Carolina Association season was over.

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By that point in his young career, Jackson was already fashioning a baseball reputation deserving of a memorable nickname. Baseball had been his deliverance from an otherwise Dickensian boyhood. He was born in Brandon, a mill town just outside Greenville, in July 1889.

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The oldest of eight children, he had not a day's schooling his entire life. By six, when he might have been in the first grade, he was sweeping floors in a mill in Brandon. By thirteen he was working twelve-hour days in the mill alongside his father. What daylight hours were not spent on the cotton-mill floor were spent on the ball field. He was a big kid; by sixteen he was six foot two and gangly, not yet anywhere near his major league weight of 185 pounds. Still, he already had those Pop eye forearms and hands the size of skillets, and, gangly teenager or not, he could hit a baseball half again as far as anybody else in town and throw it like it had been shot from a cannon.

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He was playing for the Brandon Mills baseball team by the time he was thirteen. There were thirteen mills ringing Greenville, and Saturday afternoon games in the Textile League would attract crowds of several hundred to a couple thousand or more, and the players became objects of great affection and celebrity in their local mill communities. And nobody was more celebrated than the marvelously gifted teenager from Brandon. "Joe's Saturday specials" - line drive home runs that were still rising when they sailed over the outfielders' heads - became the talk of Brandon, and every time he hit one, his younger brothers would scramble up into the stands to pass the hat so that the Brandon fans might show their gratitude. There were times the fans showed their gratitude to the tune of $lO or so, as much as a full week's wages at the mill. Such a phenomenon was Jackson that he was recruited away from Brandon Mills by the rival Victor Mills team, with the promise of a softer job in the mill and time off to practice.

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Greenville got its own team in organized baseball in 1908, and Jackson was one of the first players signed, to a contract paying him a princely $75 a month. Pros or semipros, it was all the same to Jackson; he had a great year, batting over .350 to lead the Carolina Association in hitting. On an off day in July he married his Greenville sweetheart, Katie Wynn - he was nineteen, she fifteen. And in August, he got the news that the Philadelphia Athletics had bought his contract. He was going to the big leagues, as soon as the Carolina Association season was over.

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The problem was that he didn't want to. He was terrified of leaving home, of being away from his parents and his new bride, and he only got on the train after his Greenville manager, Tommy Stouch, was hired by Athletics manager Connie Mack to make sure the reluctant rookie made it to Philadelphia. Stouch and Jackson got as far as Charlotte, a hundred miles from Greenville, when Jackson's panic got the better of him. When the train stopped at the Charlotte station, Jackson got off, without telling Stouch, and caught the next train back to South Carolina. Back home, he exhibited no interest in going to Philadelphia. Mack sent injured outfielder Socks Seybold, who had formed a bond with Jackson when he had scouted him earlier in the year. Seybold succeeded where Stouch had failed in getting Jackson to Philadelphia. But neither Seybold nor Mack could make Jackson comfortable in the big, strange, northern city.

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The newspapers had made him a celebrity of the first order well in advance of his arrival. He came bearing an outsized reputation, as well as his personal bat, handcrafted by a Greenville woodsmith, stained black by rubbed-in tobacco juice, wrapped carefully and lovingly in cloth for the trip, and nicknamed "Black Betsy" In his first big league game against Cleveland, Jackson and Black Betsy singled in his first at-bat to drive in a run. He had no more hits, but hit the ball hard twice more that day, made an over-the-shoulder catch back by the centerfield flagpole, uncorked a couple of strong throws from the outfield, and altogether impressed the writers, who made him the focal point of their stories. "Jackson looked extremely good in his first game, and as if he didn't possess a single weakness: good at bat, good on fly balls, good on the bases and fast on his feet" wrote one.

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Cleveland left town after that game, and Ty Cobb and the Tigers came in.

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Newspaper stories were full of anticipation, as Jackson would now be matched against the player to whom he was most often being compared. Two days of rain made the hyperbole particularly heavy, as the writers had nothing else to write. Two days of rain meant that Jackson had two days away from the ballpark, the only place he might possibly have felt comfortable in the large, unwelcoming city.

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Major league clubhouses could be cruel places in the early years of the game.

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Every rookie was a threat to a veteran's job, and they were hazed and bullied unmercifully; every rookie who cracked and went back to the bushes was another who wouldn't be taking somebody's job. Never mind what that rookie might bring to the lineup; self-preservation nearly always trumped team chemistry in this hardscrabble world. When the rookie was particularly naive and vulnerable, or particularly celebrated-and Jackson was all of these-the abuse could be unrelenting and brutal. Years after the fact, Jackson confided to a friend that in those first days in Philadelphia his Athletics teammates had made him feel as bad as he had ever felt in his life. They mocked his illiteracy and his country-bumpkin ignorance. In their most famous prank, they convinced him to drink the water from the dining-table finger bowl, then laughed loudly and derisively as he left the hotel dining room in shame.

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Before the rains had cleared and Jackson could square off against Ty Cobb, he was back on a train for Greenville. This time he stayed ten days, as newspapers reported that he had left because he was afraid of life in the big city – true - and afraid of facing Ty Cobb on the ball field - certainly not true. The newspapers flat-out called him a coward, an unfair pejorative that would dog him for years. Under threat of suspension from Connie Mack, and at the urging of his mother, Jackson returned to the Athletics on September 7. He stayed less than a week, his vulnerability exacerbating his teammates' insensitivity. After going 0 for 9 in a double-header against Washington, he was once again back on the train to Greenville. And this time he wouldn't budge. Mack reluctantly suspended him. The local paper reported, "JOE JACKSON HAS BEEN SUSPENDED BY MACK: BRANDON BOY CAN NEVER PLAY ORGANIZED BALL AGAIN:'

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Like so many newspaper headlines of the day, that overstated the situation.

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Jackson reported to spring training in 1909 and showed well, playing together with a team of rookies that included Eddie Collins, Frank Baker, Stuffy McInnis, and Jack Barry, players that would form the corps of the Athletics' championship teams of the next half decade. But while Jackson had shown as well as any of them, and at nineteen going on twenty was probably physically ready for the big leagues, it would take two more years of playing in the South before he was emotionally ready for his big league career to take root. Mack tried to nurture the young, insecure prodigy. He offered to hire an off-season tutor to teach Jackson to read and write. Jackson declined. "It don't take no school stuff to help a fella play ball" he said.

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What did help a fella play ball - at least a deer-in-the-headlights player like Jackson - was to play it among friends, and for Jackson that meant playing in the South. According to the Jackson legend, the Athletics were paused at a Reading, Pennsylvania, train station at the end of spring training when Jackson caught sight of a line of milk cans on the platform, their southern-city destination labels in plain view. "I wish you'd put a red tag on me and ship me along with the milk cans down South" Jackson supposedly told Mack, which is how he ended up playing the 1909 season with Savannah of the South Atlantic League. That story was first told by Fred Lieb, as much a legend in the newspaper game as Jackson was in his game. It made for wonderful newspaper copy when Jackson became a star, and a wonderful historical insight later still when Jackson became the subject of histories and biographies. Neither Lieb nor apparently anyone else ever once questioned how the illiterate Jackson was able to read the milk labels to know they were headed south. As a movie newspaperman once noted: "When the legend becomes fact, print the legend."

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Jackson led the Sally League in hitting in 1909 with a .358 average, and had five hits in seventeen at-bats when called up to Philadelphia in September. Though Katie Jackson came with him to Philadelphia this time, her support could not penetrate the dugout; the taunts of his teammates continued, and Jackson continued to be uncomfortable in their presence. "My players didn't seem to like him," Mack admitted years later. In 1910, still hoping to buy some time to find a way to make Jackson comfortable in Philadelphia, Mack assigned Jackson's contract to the New Orleans Pelicans of the Southern League, where Jackson again flourished, batting .354 and winning his third batting title in as many minor league seasons. The Pelicans had a close working relationship with the Cleveland Indians - still known then as the Naps, after their captain Napoleon Lajoie - and played a number of spring training games against the big league club. Cleveland management came away very impressed with the young outfielder on loan from Philadelphia, and team owner Charles Somers began asking Connie Mack what he would take to trade Jackson to Cleveland. In midsummer Mack relented, trading Jackson for outfielder Briscoe Lord, a player forgotten to history, to be sure, but a steady major leaguer at the time, who would hit .278 for the Athletics that summer and help them win the 1910 pennant.

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Whether it was because Jackson was now two years older or because Cleveland had a wholly different zeitgeist than Philadelphia, Jackson came to Cleveland and immediately became one of the game's biggest stars. He batted .387 in twenty games in 1910 and hit .408 in his first full season in the big leagues in 1911, then .395 and .373, before falling to .338 in 1914. He never won a major league batting title; it was his misfortune to play in the time of Ty Cobb. The year Jackson hit .408, Cobb posted a career-best .420 to win the fifth of his eventual twelve batting titles. Jackson's lifetime average of .356 is third all-time, trailing only Cobb's .367 and Rogers Hornsby's .358. Jackson was the original five-tool player. In the dead-ball era, his career slugging average was .518; he was a speedy and intuitive base runner, and a gazelle in the outfield with that cannon for an arm.

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He was happy and comfortable in Cleveland. Home, and frequently away as well, Katie Jackson was a regular at the ballpark, always sitting in the last row of the grandstand, directly behind home plate. The newspapers took notice. At home, however the game might be unfolding, she would always leave at the end of the seventh inning, so that supper would be on the table when Joe walked home to the apartment they shared in the shadow of League Park.

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Charles Somers treated his players well, and unlike in Philadelphia, Jackson was accepted and well liked by his teammates. He was never as happy in his major league life as he was during his four and a half years in Cleveland. Nevertheless, the most gifted of ballplayers cannot make a team a winner if he is surrounded by clods, and so it was with Jackson in Cleveland. After a third-place finish in 1913, the Indians tumbled into the American League cellar in 1914, losing 102 games. They would lose ninety-five more in 1915, and by midseason the Cleveland fans had lost interest, and the Indians' balance sheet was as troubled as its won-loss record. The team's finances were placed in the hands of receivers, and owner Charles Somers was forced to sell his liquid assets to save his business. His most valuable liquid asset was Jackson's contract, which went to the White Sox in August. Technically it was a trade; the Indians received three forgettable players in return. But the key to the deal was the large check that Comiskey sent Somers's way, the amount never revealed but reported at the time to be somewhere between $15,000 and $31,500.

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Happy though he had been in Cleveland, Jackson was glad to be going to Chicago. To begin with, the White Sox were a wealthy franchise, and Jackson had every reason to hope his salary might improve in Chicago, a misreading of Charles Comiskey, who could be generous when it suited him and earned him headlines, and cheap when no one was looking, which was most of the time. Comiskey had made headlines when he spent $50,000 to acquire Eddie Collins from the Athletics prior to the start of the 1915 season and signed him to a fiveyear contract at $15,000 per year. He was just as proud of his acquisition of Joe Jackson, calling him "the best straightaway hitter in the game" and boasting to the newspapers that he was paying his new outfielder a $10,000 salary, a baldfaced lie; Jackson's salary was $6,000 per year from 1915 to 1919.

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Beyond the hope for more money, Jackson had sound baseball reasons to welcome the move to the White Sox, a team on the cusp of moving into the ranks of the American League elite. In addition to Collins and Jackson, Comiskey had bought the minor league contracts of Happy Felsch, Buck Weaver, and Lefty Williams. The newspapers were saying throughout 1915 that Comiskey was in the midst of assembling the best team money could buy. It would take a couple of seasons for the Sox to prove the prophecy correct, but they ultimately would, and Jackson was one of the main reasons why. His stats slipped a bit from his Cleveland years, but not so much that anyone noticed. He remained among the league leaders every year in batting average, hits, runs batted in, and runs scored.

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Chicago marked a transition in Jackson's life. He was no longer the country bumpkin; quite the opposite, he had turned into a big-city dandy. He had his teeth fixed. He developed an affinity for bespoke suits and thirty-dollar pink silk shirts, which he often wore with patent-leather shoes from an extensive collection of showy, expensive footwear. It was almost as if he was saying to the world:

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"Shoeless? Hardly," He could be seen behind the wheel of a new Oldsmobile, both on the streets of the South Side and in the ads in newspapers and magazines, where Jackson endorsed the Olds. He did not, however, become completely citified. When he traveled, he always brought along a jug of corn liquor.

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He was a magnet for kids. The young boys of the South Side would seek him out, and he them. Boys would gather as he left Comiskey Park and scramble to carry his bats. Or he would stop by a sandlot with a baseball he'd taken from the clubhouse and offer to have a catch, and sometimes take a swing or two with the young boys.

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But among the older lads, his teammates on the White Sox, Jackson remained very much a loner. He roomed with Lefty Williams on the road, and sometimes the two players would socialize together with their wives in Chicago. But in a clubhouse filled with cliques, jealousies, and mistrust, Jackson coped with the interpersonal dysfunction by withdrawing. His clique was, as always, a clique of two, himself and his wife, Katie.

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During his time in Chicago, Jackson admitted to his wife and a few close friends that some of the fun had gone out of the game. He and Katie began to save and invest their money. They bought a home for Joe's parents in Greenville, and after the 1916 season they bought an elegant waterfront home for themselves in Savannah. The city had charmed the couple ever since Joe's minor league season there in 1909, and it would remain their home for more than fifteen years.

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Joe's first business venture had been a vaudeville show called "Joe Jackson's Baseball Girls", with which he toured in the offseason. The show made him some money but almost cost him his marriage. There were rumors in the winter of 1915 that Jackson was involved with one of the girls from the show, rumors with enough credibility to cause Katie Jackson to consult a divorce attorney. The marriage - from all accounts a forty-three-year love story - survived that single rough patch, and Jackson's subsequent investments were more suited to domestic tranquility. He invested in pool halls in Chicago and Greenville, as well as a farm, and later a liquor store, in Greenville. Most lucratively, and most enduringly, he opened a dry-cleaning and valet business in Savannah after he and Katie had bought their home there. Jackson gave his wife credit for his investments. "I've been blessed with a good banker;' he said in 1949, "my wife. Handing the money to her was just like putting it in the bank."

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But it was Jackson who worked the businesses, managed a dozen or so people in Savannah, dealt with the public, and saw the business through to profitability. Newspaper stories in the later years of his life-always given to exaggeration when it came to Jackson-reported that his investments and business had made him a millionaire. That was far from true. Nonetheless, by the end of his playing career, he was making at least as much money from his business investments as he was from his baseball salary. And when the end of that baseball career came so suddenly in the fall of 1920, the unschooled, unlettered, so often ridiculed Joe Jackson was far better positioned than any of his Black Sox brothers to make a living in the life that would come after.

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After the trial verdict, Jackson returned to Savannah and the dry-cleaning and valet businesses. During baseball season, however, the businesses were mostly Katie Jackson's responsibilities, for Joe continued the peripatetic life of a baseball player. He played ball until he was in his late forties, all over the country, for a game or two here and there, maybe for a full season. He often played under assumed names in the early years, right after the banishment, yet word would get around Joe Jackson was scheduled to play, and grandstands and foul lines would be packed with fans. By the 1930s he was playing and coaching under his own name, mostly in semipro leagues in Georgia and South Carolina, where the crowds had ebbed and he was playing for the joy and the memories.

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In 1933, he sold his business in Savannah, and he and Katie moved back to Greenville. They built a pleasant brick bungalow in West Greenville, and Joe opened a liquor store. There he lived out his years among his people, buying ice cream cones for the young boys who would stop by his home for some stories and some tips on hitting, enjoying a wide and loyal circle of friends who never asked about Chicago and 1919.

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Now and again, others would ask. And Jackson's story as always the same - he was an innocent man. Recovering from a heart attack in the summer of 1942, Jackson gave a lengthy interview to the Sporting News. The writer was Scoop Latimer of the Greenville News, Jackson's original Boswell, the man who had given him the "Shoeless Joe" moniker back when only Greenville had heard of either of them. The result was a flattering page-one story that was said to have earned Sporting News editor Taylor Spink an upbraiding from Commissioner Landis, who was upset that one of baseball's outcasts was being celebrated so by the "Bible of Baseball." The story was heavy on atmosphere; Latimer describes trophies, mementos, and scrapbooks from a long career; shows Jackson surrounded by those neighborhood boys seeking advice on hitting; and lets Jackson summon memories of a certain home run off Walter Johnson and talk of his admiration for players like Eddie Collins and Ty Cobb. It is short on any detail on 1919. In a 3,500-word story, Jackson and Latimer spend fewer than three hundred words talking about the Black Sox, and all of that is given over to Jackson's second newspaper denial of the say-it-ain't-so exchange, and another assertion of his innocence. "I think my record in the 1919 World's Series will stand up against that of any man in that Series or any other World's Series in all history," he said, pointing to his acquittal in the criminal trial as further evidence of his innocence.

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"If I had been guilty of 'laying down' in the Series, I wouldn't be so successful today," he continued. "For I'm a great believer in retribution. I have made a lot more money since being out of baseball than when I was in it. And I have this consolation - the Good Lord knows I am innocent of any wrong-doing."

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Latimer didn't press Jackson with any hard questions. Neither did Atlanta writer Furman Bisher, who ghosted a Sport magazine article that appeared under Jackson's name in October 1949, the thirtieth anniversary of the Black Sox Series. It is unclear how many of the facts in the stories in the Sport article were Jackson's memories and how many were stories Bisher had unearthed, but what is clear is that the article was never fact-checked the way a modern magazine article would be. There are facts presented for the first time - Jackson's claim that he went to Comiskey the night before the Series began and begged him to keep him out of the lineup - that have since become a part of the Black Sox legend but have been neither verified nor recorded anywhere else in the voluminous Black Sox history. Jackson and Bisher get some facts wrong, such as the name of the judge in the criminal trial, and there are smaller inconsistencies with history, too. But overall the voice that emerges from the piece is one of dignity and pride, bereft of bitterness, rancor, or the wish to blame others for what had befallen him. Joe Jackson came across as a sympathetic figure, deserving to have his life judged on more than simply the events of 1919.

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And people were starting to do that. One springtime in the late 1940s, Ty Cobb and sportswriter Grantland Rice went up to Greenville just after the Masters Tournament in Augusta, about a hundred miles away. The two men arrived unannounced at Jackson's liquor store and found him behind the counter. A flicker of recognition crossed Jackson's face, quickly suppressed when it wasn't returned. Cobb rummaged about the store and finally approached the counter with a bottle of whiskey. No one had said a word.

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"Don't you know me, Joe?" Cobb finally blurted.

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"I know you," Jackson replied, "but I wasn't sure you wanted to speak to me. A lot of them don't."

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The three men talked of old times after that, the subject of 1919 apparently not coming up. Before he left, Cobb told Jackson: "Joe, you had the most natural ability, the greatest swing I ever saw." Of course the vainglorious Cobb couldn't leave it at that. Following Jackson's death in 1951, he backhanded the compliment, telling Arthur Daley of the New York Times, "I used my brain to become a great hitter. I studied the art scientifically. Jackson just swung. If he had had my knowledge, his average would have been phenomenal"

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Rice, the syndicated columnist with an enormous national influence, had been one of the Black Sox players' shrillest critics back when the scandal first broke. Perhaps still unsure of his feelings on Jackson and his legacy, he didn't write about the visit until much later, when he was composing his memoirs in 1954. Rice's reticence is telling of the overall attitude toward Jackson and the other Black Sox at this point in the story. A quarter century was sufficient time to begin reflecting and reconsidering what had happened; it was not sufficient time for some to begin forgiving. It was a cautious dance that the press and the public did in those last years of Jackson's life. The unbridled scorn had softened, surely, but the public affection was not yet there.

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Still, there were efforts to rehabilitate Jackson's reputation in the last years of his life. In February 1951, the South Carolina legislature passed a resolution calling upon the commissioner of baseball to "reinstate Shoeless Joe Jackson as a member in good standing in professional baseball." The petition made its way to the desk of Commissioner Albert "Happy" Chandler, where he ignored it, thus establishing a precedent for Jackson petitions coming before the commissioner of baseball.

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In the summer of 1951, the Cleveland Indians, celebrating their fiftieth anniversary and the fiftieth anniversary of the American League, reached out to their fans for votes to name the best players at each position over the team's first half century. The winners would be the first inductees into the Cleveland Indians Hall of Fame. The first ballot was missing Jackson's name, and though Jackson had left Cleveland thirty-five years before, the fans immediately noticed its absence. After a number of complaints and write-in votes for Jackson, the team reprinted the ballot, this time with Jackson's name; he was an overwhelming winner. But while his support was broad and deep-seated, it was not universal. At the induction ceremony in Cleveland in September, which Jackson could not attend because of illness, a handful of newspaper articles and letters to the editor decried the team for honoring a man of "impugned baseball integrity."

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If the honor comforted Jackson, the residual criticism that came with it wounded him even more. When the Indians arranged an alternate tribute for Jackson - they would present him with the gold clock representative of his place in the Cleveland Hall of Fame during an appearance on the Ed Sullivan show in New York in December of 1951 - Jackson refused to go. It would give his critics another news hook for again bringing up his past, he felt, and he lacked the strength and will to face that again. But Katie Jackson and Joe's brothers, sisters, and friends all pressured him to accept. It would be a chance to state his case and clear his name before a national television audience, they argued. Jackson finally relented and agreed to do the show. His health still frail from his recent heart attack, he would travel in the company of his doctor and, of course, Katie. The appearance was set for Sunday December 16. But on Wednesday, December 5, at ten in the evening, Joe Jackson, in failing health since his first heart attack seven years before, suffered another heart attack and died in the bedroom of his West Greenville home. He was sixty-two. He was the first of the Black Sox players to die.

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His legacy upon his death, at least as seen through the prism of the newspaper obits, was uncomplicated. Though most stories acknowledged Jackson's lifelong claim of innocence, the headlines all trumpeted that he was one of the eight White Sox players banished from the game for throwing the 1919 World Series. The ensuring decades have proven it's not that simple.

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Charles Fountain "The Betrayal: How the 1919 Black Sox Scandal Changed Baseball" (2016)